Rwanda: Unravelling the Legacy of Imperialism and Ethnic Divide

Introduction

The total area of Rwanda is 26,33k square kilometres. It was colonised by several nations. Rwanda belonged to the German Empire from 1894 until 1919, the year of the First World War’s end. Later on, as part of Germany’s war reparations, it was moved to Belgium. The nation was distinguished by pronounced ethnic diversity, which was transformed into ethnic distinctions as a result of imperial powers’ policies.

The majority of the population (85%) was made up of Hutus, with Tutsis making up 14% of the population and the Twa community making up 1%. Because of its wide variety of bioclimatic zones, the area has historically hosted a variety of ethnic occupations. Prior to imperialism, Hutus were small-scale farmers and Tutsis primarily herded cattle. They spoke the same language once. Hutus and Tutsis split apart for economic reasons rather than due to differences in social class. Because cattle were more expensive than crops, the local elites were primarily Tutsis.

Imperialist Policy-Induced Ethnic Divide

A long-standing monarchy ruled by an ethnic Tutsi elite existed in Rwanda before Belgium annexed the country from Germany. The Hamitic hypothesis was also developed by the imperial powers as a component of their “divide and conquer” strategy. They employed this for the efficiency of their administration.

This theory held that Tutsis were a “superior” group of people because they were believed to have been descended from the mythological figure Ham from Biblical traditions, and to have belonged to the Hamitic group of tribes. As the “superior” white races of Europe, they shared a common ancestor, which was used as an explanation for their dominance. The non-dominant groups, such as the Hutus, were viewed as subhumans since they had no connection to biblical customs at all.

Hutu and Tawa were considered to be racially inferior to Tutsi by the Europeans. As a result, the Tutsi were turned into a symbol of colonial prestige by the imperial powers, specifically Germany and Belgium, who also desired that all local chiefs be Tutsis. As a result, 549 of 559 sub-chiefs and 43 of 45 chiefs were Tutsis at the end of Belgian rule. Tutsis controlled the political system during the colonial era. They took over the traditional landholding, which included the lands owned by the Hutus. Privatisation of grazing lands was done so to benefit the relatively wealthy Tutsi community. The Tutsi racial superiority was the organising principle for all military, administrative, and educational institutions.

Identity Cards

Belgian identity cards were first issued in 1933 and were based on the ethnicity of the applicant. Each person’s ethnicity—Tutsi, Hutu, or Twa—was indicated. Future generations’ “ethnicity” on identity cards was decided patrilineally. There were some problems when Belgium first began issuing these cards because it was unclear what ethnicity each person was. They devised a plan to implement an ethnic identification system that is based on means. Men who had ten or more cattle were considered Tutsi, while those who had fewer were considered Hutu or Twa. Therefore, under colonial rule, these identities—which had existed previously but were fairly fluid—became increasingly rigid and solidified.

The Independence

In the 1950s, some Hutus started demanding equality, which led to the Hutu revolution. There was an uprising on 1 November 1959 following the rumour of the death of a Hutu leader by some Tutsi extremists. This led to large-scale violence, which resulted in the killing and fleeing of Tutsis. Hutus carried out a coup on the first of January 1961, with the tacit approval of Belgium, officially disposed of the Tutsi king. Rwanda became a republic, and an all-Hutu national government was formed.

After gaining independence in 1962, during the first general elections, Hutus easily got the majority and formed the government because of being in the majority. Following their entry into government, Hutus progressively began to acquire and solidify their position of authority, which in turn enabled pervasive prejudice against Tutsis. Hutus began to disassociate themselves from Tutsis by adopting the Hamitic hypothesis, which the imperial powers had previously employed to identify them as a “superior” race.

Gregoire Kayibanda oversaw the republic and enforced a strict system of governance. Hutu and Tutsi violence flared periodically and became a regular occurrence in Rwanda after independence. Numerous Tutsis escaped to nearby nations like Uganda and the Congo. Violence occurred on several occasions between 1962 and 1990.

The Massacre of 1994

The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) is a militant organisation that was founded by Tutsis in Rwanda. Between 1990 and 1993, the Rwandan government and the RPF engaged in a three-year war. In order to put an end to the civil war, President Habyarimana and the RPF signed a peace deal that was enforced by the UN. However, all hopes of peace were dashed on April 6, 1994, when the President’s plane was shot down. Hutus held Tutsis accountable for breaching the agreement, while Tutsis held Hutus accountable for shooting the plane in order to justify the violence.

The Hutu community started using guns and machetes to kill Tutsis in every city and village on April 7. This marked the beginning of the violence. In order to spread hate and incite Hutus to murder their own Tutsi neighbors—whom they derided as “cockroaches”—they established their own radio station, RTLM. It is estimated that the violence claimed the lives of 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus. The UN did nothing to halt the violence despite having a peacekeeping force stationed there already. Nonetheless, the RPF was able to secure the nation on July 15th, following 100 days of violence.

A Hutu named Pasteur Bizimingu led the transitional government, while a Tutsi leader of the RPF named Paul Kagame served as vice president. All actual power, though, was concentrated around Kagame.

Conclusion

It is a well-established fact that imperialism has caused many problems across the globe. It manifests in the way Rwanda has amassed enormous wealth at the expense of administrative and economic gains, forcing it into an ethnic rift from which it still struggles. The division persisted in the society even after independence, to the point where one community’s ethnic cleansing was carried out by another.

Additionally, the United Nations and the so-called world powers—previous colonizers—simply watched as the nation struggled through its existential crisis. The nation continues to struggle with political unrest, economic disparities, ethnic conflicts, violations of human rights, limitations on free speech, and the repression of political opposition because of the severe effects of imperialism. Comprehending the past violations of human rights resulting from political imperialism is imperative in order to acknowledge the continuous influence of these endeavours by the Global South.

The Rwanda case study clarifies some of the shared problems and difficulties the two nations deal with. It would be necessary to address the effects of imperialism and work towards a fair and inclusive development in order to promote human rights and establish a just and equitable global order.